Friday, May 30, 2008

CHE GUVERA BIOGRAPHY




Che Guevara
Full name Ernesto 'Che' Guevara Lynch de la Serna. 'Che' variously translates as "Hey, you ...", or 'Chum', or 'Buddy', or 'Pal', or 'The Kid'.
Country: Cuba and Argentina.
Cause: Liberation of Cuba from a corrupt military dictatorship and resistance to United States interference in Cuban political affairs.
Background: Christopher Columbus claims Cuba for Spain on his first voyage in 1492. The Spanish are ousted by the US in the war of 1898. The island is then effectively annexed by the US. American business interests flourish but the domestic political process is seriously compromised by US interference. 1933 sees the entry of Fulgencio Batista y Zaldívar onto the political scene when the then army sergeant leads a military revolt that installs a new revolutionary government.
In January 1934 Batista topples the new government and installs himself as dictator, ruling until 1940 when he is legitimately elected as president. Finding himself out of power in 1944, Batista, now a general, bides his time until 10 March 1952, when he overthrows the government in a bloodless coup and cancels planned elections. The US recognises the Batista government on 27 March. Batista rules by decree and presides over a corrupt regime with links to US business and organised crime. More background.
Mini biography: Born on 14 June 1928 in Rosario, Argentina, into a liberal, middleclass family. He is the first of five children. As a child he suffers from asthma, and will do so for the rest of his life.
1947 - He begins studying for a degree in medicine at the University of Buenos Aires. He spends his leave on motorcycle tours with his friend Alberto Granado, who runs a dispensary at the leper colony of San Francisco del Chanar near Cordoba in Argentina.
In journeys undertaken in 1951 and 1952, Guevara travels first in Argentina, where he meets the lepers at Cordoba, then heads west into Chile and then north through Peru, Colombia, Venezuela and on to Miami in the US, where he is turned back by the immigration authorities.
While in Peru he works in the San Pablo leprosarium. His experiences with the lepers and the poor and underprivileged during his travels have a key impact on the development of his political thought. He becomes convinced that genuine equality can only be achieved through socialism.
Guevara's experiences on the road are later described in his book 'Motorcycle Diaries'.
1952 - Guevara participates in riots against Argentine President Juan Perón.
1953 - Guevara completes his medical degree in March. He travels to Bolivia and then to Guatemala, which is governed by the reformist administration of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán. While in Guatemala Guevara meets his first wife, Hilda, an exiled Peruvian Marxist. The couple will later divorce.
1954 - The Guatemalan Government is overthrown by a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) backed coup d'état in June 1954. The CIA's involvement includes the compilation of lists of individuals to be "eliminated", imprisoned or deported following the coup.
After helping in the resistance against the coup, Guevara flees to Mexico City, where he works in the General Hospital and teaches on the medical faculty of the National University. His experience of the CIA's role in the downfall of the Guzmán government confirms his growing belief in the need for armed resistance against opponents of socialism.
1955 - While in Mexico he meets Fidel Castro, the Cuban revolutionary. Castro is in self-imposed exile following his early release from a prison sentence imposed after his abortive attempt to overthrow the Batista regime on 26 July 1953.
"Our first argument revolved around international politics," Guevara later writes of his first meeting with Castro. "By the small hours of that night I had become one of the future expeditionaries."
1956 - From his base in Mexico, Castro forms the 26th of July Revolutionary Movement. Guevara joins the group as a medic and trains with them in guerrilla warfare techniques. The group of 82 land on the coast of Oriente province (in the island's east) on 2 December and launch an attack against the Batista regime. The attack results in the death or capture of most of the revolutionaries.
The 12 survivors, including Castro, his brother Raul and Guevara, retreat to the Sierra Maestra Mountains to the south. From there they stage continuous successful guerrilla attacks against the Batista government, gaining widespread support and growing to an estimated 3,000 men.
Faced with the choice of either remaining a medic or taking up the gun, Guevara writes, "I was confronted with the dilemma of dedicating myself to medicine or my duty as a revolutionary soldier. I had in front of me a rucksack full of medicine and an ammunition case, the two weighed too much to carry together. I took the ammunition and left the rucksack behind."
Guevara becomes Castro's chief lieutenant and distinguishes himself as a resourceful and ruthless tactician capable of ordering the execution of traitors and waverers but also deeply concerned for the welfare of his troops.
Writing of an investigation into alleged treason by one peasant, Guevara says, "I carried out a very summary inquiry and then the peasant Aristidio was executed. ... It is not possible to tolerate even the suspicion of treason."
On his execution of Eutimio Guerra, a peasant and army guide, Guevara writes, "I fired a .32-calibre bullet into the right hemisphere of his brain, which came through his left temple. He moaned for a few moments, then died."
Guevara comes to believe in hatred as a potent revolutionary force. "Hatred (is) an element of the struggle," he later writes in his 'Message to the Tricontinental'.
"A relentless hatred of the enemy, impelling us over and beyond the natural limitations that man is heir to and transforming him into an effective, violent, selective, and cold killing machine. Our soldiers must be thus; a people without hatred cannot vanquish a brutal enemy. We must carry the war into every corner the enemy happens to carry it: to his home, to his centres of entertainment; a total war."
In 1957 he is made a commander of one of the largest of the five guerrilla columns.
1958 - The US provides Batista with US$1 million in military aid. The US has become the dominant economic force in Cuba, which is treated as an international playground. However, the revolution cannot be stopped.
In November Guevara leads the guerrilla advance from Oriente Province through government lines to central Las Villas Province. Guevara's column takes the strategic provincial capital of Santa Clara in the centre of Cuba on 28 December. The road to Havana is now clear.
1959 - With the guerilla forces pressing in, Batista flees the country on new year's day. Castro's 3,000 guerrillas have defeated a 30,000 strong professional army. Guevara enters Havana on 2 January. A new interim government is formed and is recognised by the US on 7 January, the same day that Castro enters the capital. Castro assumes the position of prime minister on 16 February. Guevara is declared Cuban born. He marries his second wife, Aleida, then travels through Africa, Asia and Yugoslavia. Guevara and Aleida had fought together during the insurgency. They will have four children.
The new revolutionary government quickly arrests and tries the 'Batistianos', the supporters of the Batista regime, for alleged atrocities committed during the dictator's rule. As commander of the La Cabana Fortress in Havana, Guevara is closely involved in the trials. More than 500 civil and military officials from the former government are executed.
It is reported that Guevara takes a personal interest in the prosecutions of former members of Batista's Bureau for the Repression of Communist Activities. He is also involved in the reorganisation of the national army.
On 7 October Guevara is appointed as director of the industrialisation program of the Instituto Nacional de la Reforma Agraria (National Agrarian Reform Institute), the agency that administers land reforms and the expropriation of American-owned businesses and agricultural estates. He stays in the position only until 26 November, when he is made president of the National Bank of Cuba.
Guevara advocates rapid industrialisation and centralisation of the economy, a position that will put him at odds with others in the government more concerned with the development of the agricultural sector. He also argues that Cuba should turn to the political left and ally itself with the Soviet Union. He calls for the creation of a 'New Man' selflessly dedicated to the betterment of society.
Relations between the US and Cuba sour when the land reforms begin to bite and US industrial, commercial and agricultural interests in Cuba are nationalised. Meanwhile, Castro frequently promises to allow a general election and the return of democracy but refuses to set a firm timetable for the restoration of the electoral process.
1960 - In February Castro signs a trade agreement with the Soviet Union. Cuba agrees to buy Soviet oil in return for sugar exports and US$100 million in credit. The US responds in March by terminating purchases of Cuban sugar and ceasing oil deliveries. Covert operations coordinated by the CIA include the formation of a paramilitary force of Cuban exiles to invade the island and overthrow Castro.
In May Cuba and the Soviet Union establish diplomatic relations. Further seizures of US-owned properties and further agreements with other communist governments causes the US to restrict trade with Cuba and, on 19 October, impose a partial economic embargo that excludes food and medicine. The Soviet Union becomes Cuba's chief supporter and trade partner.
In August 'Time' magazine publishes a cover story on Guevara, calling him "Castro's brain". "It is he who is most responsible for driving Cuba sharply left, away from the US that he despises and into a volunteered alliance with Russia," the magazine states.
During the year, Guevara completes his book 'Guerra de guerrillas' (Guerrilla warfare). The book will become a manual for revolutionary groups in Latin America and elsewhere.
1960 is also the year in which fashion photographer Alberto Diaz Gutierrez takes the most famous of all the images of Guevara. Titled 'The Heroic Guerrilla', the photograph will become a symbol throughout the world of a revolutionary ideal.
1961 - The US officially breaks diplomatic relations with Cuba on 3 January and intensifies attempts to destabilise the Castro government. In the first two weeks of April there are several terrorist bomb attacks in Havana as well as bombing raids on Cuban airfields by unidentified aircraft.
On 17 April 1300 Cuban exiles, supported by the CIA and operating from a base in Nicaragua, attempt to invade Cuba at a southern coastal area called the Bay of Pigs. After three days of fighting they are crushed by Castro's forces. In the aftermath about 20,000 Cubans are arrested and charged with counterrevolutionary activities.
From October 1960 to February 1961, Guevara tours socialist and communists countries, including Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union and China, as part of a commercial delegation seeking loans and trade agreements.
On 23 February 1961 he is appointed minister of industry in the Cuban Government, stepping down from his position as president of the National Bank. In the industry portfolio, Guevara continues his advocacy of centralised economic planning. He fixes prices for staples, reduces rents, and places controls on the accumulation of private capital. Industrial output is increased, imports are reduced and the tax burden is shifted to upper and middle income earners.
In July he publicly criticises Castro for overfunding the armed forces when the money could better spent on industrial production.
In August Guevara is appointed as a member of the board of economic planning and coordination. In July 1962 he becomes secretary of the board.
Meanwhile, the 26th of July Revolutionary Movement is merged with the Communist Party of Cuba. Castro declares that Cuba is now a socialist state, although Soviet leader Nikita Kruschev publicly states that Castro is not a communist. Castro has become the head of a non-elected, single-party regime focused on his own charismatic personality.
1962 - In February the US extends the trade restrictions on Cuba. The restrictions are extended even further in March. Imports of all goods made from or containing Cuban materials are now banned, even if the product is made in third country.
The 'Cuban Missile Crisis' flares in October when the US Government discovers that the Soviet Union is setting up launch sites for long-range ballistic missiles in Cuba. After a tense 13-day standoff between US President John F. Kennedy and Soviet leader Nikita Kruschev the missiles are removed on condition that the US withdraws its missiles stationed in Turkey and ceases its attempts to overthrow Castro. During the crisis Guevara argues in favour of a first strike and is bitterly disappointed when the missiles are withdrawn.
1963 - US economic and social restrictions on Cuba are tightened further still. Travel to the island by US citizens is banned, as are all financial and commercial transactions. All Cuban-owned assets in the US are frozen. In December Guevara address the United Nations (UN) General Assembly, stating that armed struggle is the only sure path to socialism. At home however, his policies contribute to the decline of the Cuban economy and begin to fall out of favour.
1964 - Tensions within the Cuban Government over Guevara's economic policies continue and are heightened by his enthusiasm for carrying the revolution beyond Cuba into other parts of Latin America and to Africa.
Guevara begins to travel widely and frequently, meeting with guerrilla and revolutionary groups and their supporters around the world and arranging the formation of the Organisation of Solidarity of the Peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America (the 'Tricontinental Conference').
In March he represents Cuba at a UN conference on trade and development in Geneva. He travels to Peking in China, then to Paris and Algeria and Moscow. In December he again addresses the UN General Assembly, before travelling to Canada, Algeria and Mali.
Addressing the UN General Assembly, Guevara denounces Western imperialism, singling out the Congo in Africa as an example of the damage that can be caused by Western meddling in the affairs of underdeveloped and newly independent countries.
"We would like to see this Assembly shake itself out of complacency and move forward," he says. "We would like to see the committees begin their work and not stop at the first confrontation. Imperialism wants to turn this meeting into a pointless oratorical tournament, instead of solving the serious problems of the world. We must prevent it from doing so."
"Of all the burning problems to be dealt with by this Assembly, one of special significance for us, and one whose solution we feel must be found first is that of peaceful coexistence among states with different economic and social system," he continues.
"Much progress has been made in the world in this field. But imperialism, particularly US imperialism, has attempted to make the world believe that peaceful coexistence is the exclusive right of the earth's great powers."
"It must be clearly established, however, that the government of the United States is not the champion of freedom, but rather the perpetuator of exploitation and oppression against the peoples of the world and against a large part of its own population." Full copy of the speech.
1965 - At the start of the new year Guevara is still moving, to the Congo, then to Guinea, Ghana, Dahomey, Algiers, Paris, Tanzania and Peking. In February, while addressing the Tricontinental Conference at Algiers, he hints at his disillusionment with the established socialist countries, implying that they are exploiting underdeveloped nations for their own ends.
"Socialism cannot exist without a change in conscience to a new fraternal attitude toward humanity, not only within the societies which are building or have built socialism, but also on a world scale toward all peoples suffering from imperialist oppression," Guevara states.
"We have to prepare conditions so that our brothers can directly and consciously take the path of the complete abolition of exploitation, but we cannot ask them to take that path if we ourselves are accomplices of that exploitation."
"The development of countries now starting out on the road to liberation should be paid for by the socialist countries ... There should not be any more talk about developing mutually beneficial trade based on prices rigged against underdeveloped countries by the law of value and the inequitable relations of international trade brought about by that law."
"If we establish that kind of relation between the two groups of nations, we must agree that the socialist countries are, in a way, accomplices of imperialist exploitation. It can be argued that the amount of exchange with underdeveloped countries is an insignificant part of the foreign trade of the socialist countries. That is a great truth, but it does not eliminate the immoral character of the exchange." Full copy of the speech.
In March Guevara is back in Cuba but with his policies now discredited stays only long enough to drop out of the political scene. His treatise 'Socialism and Man in Cuba', in which he elaborates on his theory of the 'New Man', is published on 12 March.
In April he tells Castro he is relinquishing all his official positions and his Cuban nationality. In July he travels to the Congo with a group of Cuban volunteers to ferment a rebellion in the eastern part of what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The rebellion, which is not widely supported by the local people, fails. Guevara moves on.
On 3 October Castro publicly reads a farewell letter written to him by Guevara in April. "I feel that I have fulfilled the part of my duty that tied me to the Cuban revolution in its territory," the letter says, "And I say goodbye to you, the comrades, your people, who are already mine ... Other nations of the world call for my modest efforts. I can do that which is denied you because of your responsibility as the head of Cuba, and the time has come for us to part." Full copy of the letter.
During the same period, Guevara drafts and circulates his 'Message to the Tricontinental' in which he effectively declares war on the US. "Our every action is a battle cry against imperialism, and a battle hymn for the people's unity against the great enemy of mankind: the United States of America," the message says. Full copy of the message.
1966 - Guevara returns to Cuba in March, but quickly travels on to Uruguay, Brazil, Paraguay, Argentina and Bolivia, where he joins and becomes a leader of a communist guerrilla movement attempting to overthrow the country's military government.
1967 - The guerrilla band has some initial success but receives little support from the local people. "The ... masses don't help us in anything and instead they betray us," Guevara complains.
Never numbering more than 50 men and one woman, the guerrillas are soon outmanoeuvred by about 1,800 US-trained and armed Bolivian troops. The troops are assisted by advisers from the CIA.
On 8 October Guevara is wounded in the foot and captured near Vallegrande, in the mountains of central Bolivia. "I'm Che Guevara and I'm worth more to you alive than dead," he tells his captors. He is carried to the village of La Higuera, 30 km southwest of Vallegrande, and placed under guard in the schoolhouse, along with other captured rebels.
Around noon the following day, and against the CIA's wishes, Guevara is executed with four gunshots to his chest. His last words are reported to be, "I know you have come to kill me. Shoot, coward, you are only going to kill a man."
Guevara is dead at the age of 39.
Following the execution, Guevara's hands are removed so his identity can be confirmed by fingerprinting. On 11 October his handless body, and the bodies of six of his executed colleagues, is secretly buried near the airport at Vallegrande.
The same month, US Secretary of State Dean Rusk receives a report from his Bureau of Intelligence and Research that predicts that Guevara "will be eulogised as the model revolutionary who met a heroic death".
Postscript
1995 - In July a Bolivian general reveals the location of Guevara's grave.
1997 - What are thought to be the remains of Guevara's body are exhumed from their communal grave in Vallegrande and returned to Cuba in July. The 30th anniversary of his death is celebrated across Cuba. On 17 October the remains are reburied in a specially built mausoleum in Santa Clara, the site of his decisive victory against Batista's forces at the end of 1958. More than 100,000 Cubans attend the service.
"Why did they think that by killing him, he would cease to exist as a fighter?" Castro says at the ceremony to mark the reburial. "Today he is in every place, wherever there is a just cause to defend."
2000 - 'Time' magazine names Guevara as one of the 100 most influential people of the 20th Century. "Though communism may have lost its fire, he remains the potent symbol of rebellion and the alluring zeal of revolution," the magazine states.
Meanwhile, Castro remains in power in Cuba, but the idealism of the revolution has soured and his rule has become a dictatorship.
According to the Human Rights Watch World Report 2005, "The Cuban government systematically denies its citizens basic rights to free expression, association, assembly, movement, and a fair trial. A one party state, Cuba restricts nearly all avenues of political dissent. Tactics for enforcing political conformity include police warnings, surveillance, short term detentions, house arrests, travel restrictions, criminal prosecutions, and politically-motivated dismissals from employment."
About 300 people are held as political prisoners.
Guevara's legacy remains a potent force. Images of the long-dead revolutionary are found throughout Cuba, and schoolchildren begin every day with the pledge, "Seremos como el Che" - we will be like Che.

Communism Meaning

What is communism?
The word "communism" means different things to different people and has both a scientific definition and a very non-scientific (ie: bullshit ) definition that is commonly used and believed. The following chart may help to clarify:
What is Communism?
science vs. bullshit
Scientific definition:
A classless society with no exploitation. No state machine used by one section of the population to oppress another section. No need for professional armies or police forces. No use of production for profit or exchange. Society runs in accord with the principle: From each according to his ability, to each according to his need.
Bullshit definition (ie: commonly believed--but WRONG)
Rule of society by a single party which maintains a monopoly of political power and suppresses all opposition. Control of the economy via centralized bureaucratic planning.

What is socialism?
The word "socialism" also means many different things to different people. There is a scientific definition and at least two commonly believed bullshit definitions. The following chart may help:
What is Socialism?
science vs. bullshit
Scientific definition:
A society run by the working class rather than the bourgeoisie. The state machine is used to defend working class interests against those who still have wealth or power and who will attempt to return society to the capitalist system and bourgeois rule. Socialism is the period of transition between the overthrow of bourgeois rule and the development of a classless, communist society.
Bullshit definitions (ie: commonly believed--but WRONG)
-- Bullshit definition # 1 --
Society in which the ruling bourgeoisie slightly betters the conditions of life of the working class and oppressed, through such measures as slightly higher taxation of the capitalists. In Europe the word socialism is often identified with the political trend of social-democracy.
Examples of bullshit definition # 1: (at various times) Sweden, France, etc.
-- Bullshit definition # 2 --
Rule of society by a single party which maintains a monopoly of political power and suppresses all opposition. Control of the economy via centralized bureaucratic planning.


KARL MARX-THE FATHER OF COMMUNISM



Karl Marx, 1818-1883
The worker becomes all the poorer the more wealth he produces, the more his production increases in power and range. The worker becomes an ever cheaper commodity the more commodities he creates. With the increasing value of the world of things proceeds in direct proportion to the devaluation of the world of men. Labour produces not only commodities; it produces itself and the worker as a commodity -- and does so in the proportion in which it produces commodities generally.
Marx, Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts (1844).

The philosopher, social scientist, historian and revolutionary, Karl Marx, is without a doubt the most influential socialist thinker to emerge in the 19th century. Although he was largely ignored by scholars in his own lifetime, his social, economic and political ideas gained rapid acceptance in the socialist movement after his death in 1883. Until quite recently almost half the population of the world lived under regimes that claim to be Marxist. This very success, however, has meant that the original ideas of Marx have often been modified and his meanings adapted to a great variety of political circumstances. In addition, the fact that Marx delayed publication of many of his writings meant that is been only recently that scholars had the opportunity to appreciate Marx's intellectual stature.
Karl Heinrich Marx was born into a comfortable middle-class home in Trier on the river Moselle in Germany on May 5, 1818. He came from a long line of rabbis on both sides of his family and his father, a man who knew Voltaire and Lessing by heart, had agreed to baptism as a Protestant so that he would not lose his job as one of the most respected lawyers in Trier. At the age of seventeen, Marx enrolled in the Faculty of Law at the University of Bonn. At Bonn he became engaged to Jenny von Westphalen, the daughter of Baron von Westphalen , a prominent member of Trier society, and man responsible for interesting Marx in Romantic literature and Saint-Simonian politics. The following year Marx's father sent him to the more serious University of Berlin where he remained four years, at which time he abandoned his romanticism for the Hegelianism which ruled in Berlin at the time.
Marx became a member of the Young Hegelian movement. This group, which included the theologians Bruno Bauer and David Friedrich Strauss, produced a radical critique of Christianity and, by implication, the liberal opposition to the Prussian autocracy. Finding a university career closed by the Prussian government, Marx moved into journalism and, in October 1842, became editor, in Cologne, of the influential Rheinische Zeitung, a liberal newspaper backed by industrialists. Marx's articles, particularly those on economic questions, forced the Prussian government to close the paper. Marx then emigrated to France.
Arriving in Paris at the end of 1843, Marx rapidly made contact with organized groups of émigré German workers and with various sects of French socialists. He also edited the short-lived Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher which was intended to bridge French socialism and the German radical Hegelians. During his first few months in Paris, Marx became a communist and set down his views in a series of writings known as the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts (1844), which remained unpublished until the 1930s. In the Manuscripts, Marx outlined a humanist conception of communism, influenced by the philosophy of Ludwig Feuerbach and based on a contrast between the alienated nature of labor under capitalism and a communist society in which human beings freely developed their nature in cooperative production. It was also in Paris that Marx developed his lifelong partnership with Friedrich Engels (1820-1895).
Marx was expelled from Paris at the end of 1844 and with Engels, moved to Brussels where he remained for the next three years, visiting England where Engels' family had cotton spinning interests in Manchester. While in Brussels Marx devoted himself to an intensive study of history and elaborated what came to be known as the materialist conception of history. This he developed in a manuscript (published posthumously as The German Ideology), of which the basic thesis was that "the nature of individuals depends on the material conditions determining their production." Marx traced the history of the various modes of production and predicted the collapse of the present one -- industrial capitalism -- and its replacement by communism.
At the same time Marx was composing The German Ideology, he also wrote a polemic (The Poverty of Philosophy) against the idealistic socialism of P. J. Proudhon (1809-1865). He also joined the Communist League. This was an organization of German émigré workers with its center in London of which Marx and Engels became the major theoreticians. At a conference of the League in London at the end of 1847 Marx and Engels were commissioned to write a succinct declaration of their position. Scarcely was The Communist Manifesto published than the 1848 wave of revolutions broke out in Europe.
Early in 1848 Marx moved back to Paris when a revolution first broke out and onto Germany where he founded, again in Cologne, the Neue Rheinische Zeitung. The paper supported a radical democratic line against the Prussian autocracy and Marx devoted his main energies to its editorship since the Communist League had been virtually disbanded. Marx's paper was suppressed and he sought refuge in London in May 1849 to begin the "long, sleepless night of exile" that was to last for the rest of his life.
Settling in London, Marx was optimistic about the imminence of a new revolutionary outbreak in Europe. He rejoined the Communist League and wrote two lengthy pamphlets on the 1848 revolution in France and its aftermath, The Class Struggles in France and The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. He was soon convinced that "a new revolution is possible only in consequence of a new crisis" and then devoted himself to the study of political economy in order to determine the causes and conditions of this crisis.
During the first half of the 1850s the Marx family lived in poverty in a three room flat in the Soho quarter of London. Marx and Jenny already had four children and two more were to follow. Of these only three survived. Marx's major source of income at this time was Engels who was trying a steadily increasing income from the family business in Manchester. This was supplemented by weekly articles written as a foreign correspondent for the New York Daily Tribune.
Marx's major work on political economy made slow progress. By 1857 he had produced a gigantic 800 page manuscript on capital, landed property, wage labor, the state, foreign trade and the world market. The Grundrisse (or Outlines) was not published until 1941. In the early 1860s he broke off his work to compose three large volumes, Theories of Surplus Value, which discussed the theoreticians of political economy, particularly Adam Smith and David Ricardo. It was not until 1867 that Marx was able to publish the first results of his work in volume 1 of Capital, a work which analyzed the capitalist process of production. In Capital, Marx elaborated his version of the labor theory value and his conception of surplus value and exploitation which would ultimately lead to a falling rate of profit in the collapse of industrial capitalism. Volumes II and III were finished during the 1860s but Marx worked on the manuscripts for the rest of his life and they were published posthumously by Engels.
One reason why Marx was so slow to publish Capital was that he was devoting his time and energy to the First International, to whose General Council he was elected at its inception in 1864. He was particularly active in preparing for the annual Congresses of the International and leading the struggle against the anarchist wing led by Mikhail Bakunin (1814-1876). Although Marx won this contest, the transfer of the seat of the General Council from London to New York in 1872, which Marx supported, led to the decline of the International. The most important political event during the existence of the International was the Paris Commune of 1871 when the citizens of Paris rebelled against their government and held the city for two months. On the bloody suppression of this rebellion, Marx wrote one of his most famous pamphlets, The Civil War in France, an enthusiastic defense of the Commune.
During the last decade of his life, Marx's health declined and he was incapable of sustained effort that had so characterized his previous work. He did manage to comment substantially on contemporary politics, particularly in Germany and Russia. In Germany, he opposed in his Critique of the Gotha Programme, the tendency of his followers Karl Liebknecht (1826-1900) and August Bebel (1840-1913) to compromise with state socialism of Lasalle in the interests of a united socialist party. In his correspondence with Vera Zasulich Marx contemplated the possibility of Russia's bypassing the capitalist stage of development and building communism on the basis of the common ownership of land characteristic of the village mir.
Marx's health did not improve. He traveled to European spas and even to Algeria in search of recuperation. The deaths of his eldest daughter and his wife clouded the last years of his life. Marx died March 14, 1883 and was buried at Highgate Cemetery in North London. His collaborator and close friend Friedrich Engels delivered the following eulogy three days later:
On the 14th of March, at a quarter to three in the afternoon, the greatest living thinker ceased to think. He had been left alone for scarcely two minutes, and when we came back we found him in his armchair, peacefully gone to sleep -- but for ever.

An immeasurable loss has been sustained both by the militant proletariat of Europe and America, and by historical science, in the death of this man. The gap that has been left by the departure of this mighty spirit will soon enough make itself felt.

Just as Darwin discovered the law of development or organic nature, so Marx discovered the law of development of human history: the simple fact, hitherto concealed by an overgrowth of ideology, that mankind must first of all eat, drink, have shelter and clothing, before it can pursue politics, science, art, religion, etc.; that therefore the production of the immediate material means, and consequently the degree of economic development attained by a given people or during a given epoch, form the foundation upon which the state institutions, the legal conceptions, art, and even the ideas on religion, of the people concerned have been evolved, and in the light of which they must, therefore, be explained, instead of vice versa, as had hitherto been the case.

But that is not all. Marx also discovered the special law of motion governing the present-day capitalist mode of production, and the bourgeois society that this mode of production has created. The discovery of surplus value suddenly threw light on the problem, in trying to solve which all previous investigations, of both bourgeois economists and socialist critics, had been groping in the dark.
Two such discoveries would be enough for one lifetime. Happy the man to whom it is granted to make even one such discovery. But in every single field which Marx investigated -- and he investigated very many fields, none of them superficially -- in every field, even in that of mathematics, he made independent discoveries.

Such was the man of science. But this was not even half the man. Science was for Marx a historically dynamic, revolutionary force. However great the joy with which he welcomed a new discovery in some theoretical science whose practical application perhaps it was as yet quite impossible to envisage, he experienced quite another kind of joy when the discovery involved immediate revolutionary changes in industry, and in historical development in general. For example, he followed closely the development of the discoveries made in the field of electricity and recently those of Marcel Deprez.

For Marx was before all else a revolutionist. His real mission in life was to contribute, in one way or another, to the overthrow of capitalist society and of the state institutions which it had brought into being, to contribute to the liberation of the modern proletariat, which he was the first to make conscious of its own position and its needs, conscious of the conditions of its emancipation. Fighting was his element. And he fought with a passion, a tenacity and a success such as few could rival. His work on the first Rheinische Zeitung (1842), the Paris Vorwarts (1844), the Deutsche Brusseler Zeitung (1847), the Neue Rheinische Zeitung (1848-49), the New York Tribune (1852-61), and, in addition to these, a host of militant pamphlets, work in organisations in Paris, Brussels and London, and finally, crowning all, the formation of the great International Working Men's Association -- this was indeed an achievement of which its founder might well have been proud even if he had done nothing else.

And, consequently, Marx was the best hated and most calumniated man of his time. Governments, both absolutist and republican, deported him from their territories. Bourgeois, whether conservative or ultra-democratic, vied with one another in heaping slanders upon him. All this he brushed aside as though it were a cobweb, ignoring it, answering only when extreme necessity compelled him. And he died beloved, revered and mourned by millions of revolutionary fellow workers -- from the mines of Siberia to California, in all parts of Europe and America -- and I make bold to say that, though he may have had many opponents, he had hardly one personal enemy.

His name will endure through the ages, and so also will his work.
Marx's contribution to our understanding of society has been enormous. His thought is not the comprehensive system evolved by some of his followers under the name of dialectical materialism. The very dialectical nature of his approach meant that it was usually tentative and open-ended. There was also the tension between Marx the political activist and Marx the student of political economy. Many of his expectations about the future course of the revolutionary movement have, so far, failed to materialize. However, his stress on the economic factor in society and his analysis of the class structure in class conflict have had an enormous influence on history, sociology, and study of human culture.